Originally posted on Kafila:
The conscious or unconscious exclusion of Dalits (SC/ST) from the Indian mediascape has given way to a lopsided public sphere which hardly manages to generate comprehensive debates. Corporate interests have aggravated this malaise, given the indifference of the corporate sector towards fomenting a diverse media, cutting across caste, religious and class lines. The following paper looks at the absence of Dalit journalists and students from English press and journalism schools. The primary conclusion of my research is that English-language media as an institution has been undemocratic because it draws its workforce from a homogenous set of people, overlooking the urgent need for diversity. In that sense it is hostile to opposing viewpoints and diversity of arguments. The paper is primarily divided into five parts: counting Dalit journalists, reason for exclusion, classroom to newsroom, need for Dalits in media and Blacks in USA.
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A film on sandstone miners and silicosis.
More than 90% of the country’s (India’s) workforce belongs to the unorganised sector, yet not a single of the labour laws that protect the rights of the worker is applied to them. Unfortunately a large section of these workers without rights are engaged in highly hazardous work, which leads to premature death. Sandstone mining in Western Rajasthan is one such occupation.
Not only is the process of mining accident prone, it also raises a lot of dust which contains a high quantity of silica. Inhaling this dust over a period of time causes silicosis, which attacks the lungs leading to a slow painful death.
The Mine Labour Protection Campaign (MLPC), an NGO is campaigning for over a year to improve the conditions of the mine-workers and get them their legal dues.
The film is an attempt to support their work and the cause of the sandstone workers.
Directed and Photographed by Rajendra Shaw.
Narration and Script by Alina Sen.
Produced by Centre for Development Communication, Hyderabad for Mine Labour Protection Campaign (MLPC) with the support of Oxfam, India in 1995.
Publlished in the Economic and Political Weekly
How is it that the United Arab Emirates has become India’s largest trading partner in recent years, overtaking the United States, European Union and China? An unusual pattern of two-way flows in gold, diamonds and jewellery seems to underlie the boom in bilateral trade. There is reason to suspect that some of this trade involves round tripping of merchandise and to that extent the volume of India-UAE trade may be artificially inflated.
Full article available here.
First published in the Economic and Political Weekly
The findings of the Employment and Unemployment Survey 2011-12 (68th round) reveal that over nine million persons found employment between 2009-10 and 2011-12. This was characterised by some sections of the media as a “rebound” from the stagnancy between 2004-05 and 2009-10. However, our analysis shows that the average growth in employment between 2004-05 and 2011-12 remains low at 2.5 million per year. The findings also reveal that a growing proportion of the workforce is moving to non-farm activities, and a falling proportion is engaged on a casual wage.
First published in the Economic and Political Weekly
Workers at the Bajaj Auto’s Chakan unit in Pune stopped work for 50 days before unconditionally withdrawing the agitation on 13 August. The union made a controversial demand – cheap equity shares for its members. This article looks at this demand, the questions around the issue of going on strike (in the current economic atmosphere), the ability to sustain it and the lack of adequate state intervention.
When 950 workers at the Chakan (Pune) plant of Bajaj Auto struck work on 25 June, among their demands for improved wages and work conditions was one that generated much controversy – the union asked for equity shares, or what is called employee stock ownership plan (ESOP), at Re 1 a share. While a number of information technology (IT) companies and a few in other fields are no strangers to ESOPs in India, this was the first time that workers from the assembly and production floor made the demand.
The demand for ESOP was dismissed in no uncertain terms. “No one, not even the chairman, has got free shares in the last 50 years, and we are not about to start now,” Rajiv Bajaj, managing director (MD) of Bajaj Auto, told the media. He added for good measure that if the workers’ demand is like that of a wayward child, the company, as a parent, had to be “fair but firm”. In another media interview, he said, “This is a public limited company, not a kirana (grocery) shop that I can handle (company) shares like that” (Gupta and Baggonkar 2013).
Bajaj also made it clear that his company did not believe in “buying the loyalty of people by throwing them shares”. ESOPs are okay for the IT industry or where capital is an issue, and even the automobile companies that issue shares do so only to the top management in their research and development (R&D) division and not to workers, he said.
Bajaj’s almost indignant response to the demand and the union’s justification for making it shows the chasm between how managements view workers’ role and how the latter see it. Read on…
First published in the Economic and Political Weekly.
Abhishek Shaw (firstname.lastname@example.org). Chandrika Radhakrishnan (email@example.com) is an independent researcher and editor of Thozhilalar Koodam (Workers’ Space, www.tnlabour.in), a blog dedicated to reporting and documenting labour issues.
The little-known history of the first organised labour unions of India, formed between 1918 and 1939, and the role they played in the formation of a working-class consciousness and the struggle for Independence are vividly described in The Making of the Madras Working Class by Dilip Veeraraghavan. This book was first written as a dissertation titled “The Rise and Growth of the Labour Movement in the City of Madras and Its Environs, 1918-1939” by Veeraraghavan, who submitted it to the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Madras in 1987.
Published posthumously (in 2009), it is a meticulous historical account of the period and is an inspiration to students of history, as well as visually disabled students.
The book takes us back to a period in India’s history which has largely been associated with the Indian National Congress and the struggle for freedom. Veeraraghavan, however, narrates a detailed and nuanced history of the working people of Madras, with insights into the processes of negotiations between workers, labour unions, nationalist leaders, factory owners and the colonial state. The accounts in the book are relevant to the workers’ movements even today. Read on here…
First published on epw.in
Correcting for an error in method, it can be shown that the National Sample Survey Organisation had underestimated employment in 2009-10 and therefore overestimated the number of jobs created between 2009-10 and 2011-12 by over 4 million, bringing the figure down from 13.9 million to around 9.35 million.
The press release on the results of the Employment and Unemployment Survey (EUS) conducted by the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) in 2011-12 claimed that as many as 13.9 million jobs were created in just the two years since the previous EUS conducted in 2009-10.
This piece of statistics was picked up and played up by sections of the media (Padmanabhan and Rao 2013). But look a bit more closely at the numbers and the methodology and you will find that the NSSO may have erred – not in its survey but in how it made its estimates based on the survey. Specifically, it seems to have used out-dated projections of the total population in 2009-10 which have since been shown to be under-estimates. This has therefore placed employment in 2009-10 at a lower level than it actually was and therefore gives an exaggerated picture of the growth of employment between 2009-10 and 2011-12.
A correction of the numbers shows that the NSSO had underestimated employment in 2009-10 by over 4 million and therefore the number of jobs created between 2009-10 and 2011-12 was over 9.35 million and not 13.9 million, over 30% less than claimed. How is this so?